Will Mauricio Macri be capable of causing the desired unit of Argentina’s popular left?

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By Carlos Aznárez, General Director of Resumen Latinoamericano / The Dawn / November 24, 2015-. Mauricio Macri won, but he won narrowly, and that’s what counts in this tricky competence, the ballotage. The percentages obtained by both candidates seemed enough to imagine a country split in two. However, there is a huge fragility in the political conviction of those who voted for the new Argentinian guru from the right, or those who bowed to Daniel Scioli, (who claimed to represent “a different project”, but whose figure was rejected even by the ones who voted for him). This serves to confirm that, in most cases, they have received neither “safe” nor “ideological” votes.

Some of those who today stand behind the candidate will reject him tomorrow, without any consideration. They constitute the image of the so-called “representative democracies” that, despite being obsolete, still serve as a tool to continue this system of domination. So, this successful formula continues to produce mirages for the populations who lack defenses against the overwhelming thrust of slogans and empty promises that are offered daily. If this seems exaggerated, note the current Latin American map where Aecio Neves, Keiko Fujimori, Peña Nieto, Cartes or Capriles are already in the government, or intend to do so, by using recipes similar to the ones used by Mauricio Macri. Not to mention the “progressive” governments that resemble them more and more. Just look at Chile or Uruguay to confirm this.

The support received, in this instance, by the macrismo, appear as situational expressions that have two well-defined aspects. The first and most dangerous one, are those nostalgic of the privatist and neo liberal economic policies of the 90s, and even adherents to slogans similar to those heard in the recent manifestations of the Brazilian right, vindicating the last military dictatorship. Voters are generally middle and upper middle class, eternal “fans” of the pro-American bourgeoisie and friends of European multinational companies, people who possess a desire of revenge, resentment and xenophobia similar to the Cuban ‘worms’ living in Miami or the Venezuelan ‘escuálidos’. One needs only to read the vile insults those  ‘citizens’ write on forums of social networks.

The other flow of support to the elected President comes from an equally conservative rejection to Kirchnerism, a government that: a) despite representing a more inclusive model for popular sectors, did not bet on the full distribution of wealth; b) although Kirchnerism is undoubtedly linked to the foreign policy of governments who have a progressive nature, it also positioned itself as a stubborn defender of the capitalist model and its multinationals, and therefore, not in favor of the necessary progress towards socialism required by the international context of advances of imperialism.

This lack of definition, lack of political will, the shortsighted ideology exposed during this period, the pride and the rejection of criticism coming from the popular organizations, and the absence of internal democracy —which lead to each candidate to be hand-picked and caused many of them to be massively rejected in the darkroom—, are some of the elements in which we can track the causes of this triumph of the macrista right.

But beyond internal and external reasons, is useless to now cry over spilled milk. The new era of a right that is linked to the imperial advance on the continent, is already present among us and therefore will accelerate the attacks on several conquests achieved by the people’s struggle. All are important, such as those that directly affect the economy of workers in this country, accustomed to discuss their joint salaries in paritarias (meetings between State, companies and unions, in which wage is discussed, every year), which the new government will attack, hand in hand with employers’ groups linked to private and mostly multinational groups. In the same vein, the currency devaluation, announced and hypocritically denied in the campaign, will be a decisive factor that will cause family expenses to go through the roof. Public employment, notoriously mistreated during the Kirchner government, will also be attacked by this new twist of the neoliberal advance, in a measure that will certainly be on the top of the list in the strategy of shrinking the State, to fulfill the economic measures contained in Macri’s programme.

Another factor at which the President-elect has pointed its guns is the human rights policy of the current government, which may have flaws and shortcomings (particularly in regard to the impunity of the police force and other security agents against the poorest population) but certainly it had enough success to manage to put in jail some of the main responsibles of the genocidal military dictatorship. Macrismo, and its minions, have forged a promise to end both military and civil trials and release the prisoners, with the excuse of a social ‘reconciliation’. Faced with this regression (spurred by the corporate media, such as the daily La Nacion), it is necessary that all organizations of the popular field, regardless if they voted against Macri or casted blank votes, close ranks with the human rights organizations to build a wall to defeat the announced impunity.

But there is a line that clearly outlines the project of  the government that will take office on December 10, and this is foreign policy. Over and over, Macri has threatened the Bolivarian Revolution with his words and his warnings of immediate action. With the mentality of a Washington-based policeman of the world, he repeated again and again that he wants to achieve the expulsion of Venezuela from Mercosur, that he will persecute the ‘dictatorship led by Maduro’ ‘until the last consequences’ and will push internationally to accomplish freedom of coupist Leopoldo López and right-wing mayor Antonio Ledezma. (Macri, along with the wives of both of them, called them ‘political prisoners’).

The intention here is so dangerous that deserves great attention to counter it. Macri, carnal friend of the United States and Israel, the paramilitary Alvaro Uribe and the Spanish fascist Jose Maria Aznar, needs to remove the influence that Venezuela irradiates in the popular movements in Latin America, and will use the full force of his new position to do so. With that same position, and to be fully devoted to the world Zionist lobby, he has already promised to go against the Memorandum of understanding with Iran.

What is our duty? We are faced with all of these threats, as well as other attempts to curtail freedoms, the unleashing of xenophobic campaigns, the creation of climates to advance sectarian policies and the possibility that the country becomes a mirror of what US official John Kerry raises when he speaks of ‘militarizing politics and societies to confront the enemies of the West’. To resist these dangers, we need the vast arc of the popular to end its fragmentation. The seriousness of the institutionalization of the most reactionary right demands a unified response. We must abandon pettiness and our isolation in small islands in order to slowly grow what, until now, has not been possible since the ‘restoration of democracy’ in 1983.

It is not a moment for mediocre gestures, that’s what the rulers of our peoples are for. It is time to recall the teachings of Evita, Che, Hugo Chavez and many other Latin American and Caribbean patriots, for popular unity to consolidate, for that half of the country that did not vote for Macri to become the hotbed of a profound resistance, to halt those who are coming for everything and everyone, even if they try to hide their greed with balloons and circus gestures.


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